Engrossed by their own ability to gain information, it appears as if there's been the occasional slip-up in remembering why our spies are attempting to spy in the first place as this column in today's Canberra Times suggests . . .
TIME & TIDE
Seventeen years ago this month,
Prime Minister Paul Keating was beaming. He’d just emerged from the Merdeka Palace
in Jakarta, where he’d signed a security agreement with Indonesia’s President
Suharto. As far as the Australian PM was concerned he’d manufactured (yet
another) trump card that he’d use in the coming election to demonstrate how he
– and only he – would be able to engage with Asia.
In the RAAF plane on the way home
discussion turned to how John Howard had been comprehensively outmanoeuvred.
There was no doubt in the minds of Keating’s entourage that their leader and
commander had, once again, seized the initiative from the coalition.
That weekend Labor’s Kim Beazley was
on a trip through WA. He’d spent the day in Kalgoorlie but flew into Port
Headland that night, so he could speak to workers at the local club. Although
it was evening it was still hot and humid, so Beazley asked his Senior Advisor,
John O’Callaghan, to wander over and grab him a glass of water from the bar.
As he handed over the drink the
barman leant over and muttered a short, simple question. “What are you doing,
signing a security treaty with those people?” The tone of voice indicated there
was no room for negotiation; no possibility of ever convincing him that the
treaty was actually a good idea or would lead to new engagement with the region
so diverse and full of opportunity. O’Callaghan mulled the question over in his
mind as he walked back to the Deputy PM, before deciding to offer his own bit
of advice. “Probably best not to mention the security treaty”, he quietly
suggested. And so Beazley didn’t.
Now the point of this story isn’t
to suggest that better relations with Indonesia aren’t vital – they are. The
issue is rather that Australia (just like Indonesia) is a big country. The
dynamics that structure political debate in Canberra aren’t necessarily the
same as the ones that dominate discussion on the North West Shelf, and it’s
worth considering this as we attempt to grapple with the current revelations about
Australia’s spying activities.
Foreign Affairs Minister Julie
Bishop’s been hard at work in Jakarta this week as she attempts to restore the
relationship with Indonesia. Perhaps it might have been a good idea to pop by
East Timor and attempt to mend a few fences there on her way back. Take a
cursory glance at the headlines of the last couple of weeks and it’s difficult
not to conclude that our spying has actually set Australia’s interests back,
rather than providing us with more information about the region. The difficulty
with this quick, comfortable analysis though is that it lacks any context or
historical perspective: in fact, it’s just as ignorant as that of the bartender
all those years ago. It lacks nuance.
Stories work much better in black
and white. Shades of grey are troubling; these issues require thinking about
and there aren’t necessarily straightforward answers. That’s the trouble with intelligence.
Ever since we sat with our first group of friends in the schoolyard we’ve
wanted to know what other people are thinking and saying behind our back. This
is only natural. The point is, however, how that information is acquired and
the use to which it’s put.
Every country attempts to gain as
much knowledge as it can. It wasn’t long ago, for example, that Indonesia’s
military attaché here was a senior intelligence officer who ended his career as
a two-star general. Given the close alignment of our strategic interests it was
probably a very good thing that he gained a better knowledge of Australia – but
try explaining that to the bartender at Port Headland. It would probably be
equally difficult to convince a welder working on a high-rise apartment complex
in Java that bugging his President’s wife’s phone actually did provide
significant nuggets of actionable intelligence for Australia (although I
certainly don’t know if this was, or wasn’t the case).
The critical rule is to be able
to justify the activity if it’s later discovered – and spy agencies should
always, always, assume this will happen. This failure was much more than a
miscalculation: it was a blunder of massive proportions.
A second, far more serious issue
is the confusion that’s arisen about the direction of our intelligence
operations. Much can be justified in the name of national security. What is,
however, outrageous is the still unproven assertion that the activities of agencies
were directed to providing intelligence on commercial negotiations.
Some countries – and France is
continually mentioned in this regard – have, in the past been criticised for
harnessing intelligence resources (in other words, spying) to support business
interests. Fair bargaining implicitly requires withholding information to
achieve the best possible outcome. If either side suspects the other of
cheating trust quickly breaks down and the long-term consequences are terrible.
It’s too outrageous to even begin
to think about what might then happen if unscrupulous individuals should then
use that knowledge for their own personal enrichment. I trust none of our
former Foreign Ministers would act inappropriately . . .
unscrupulous people in politics - really ???
ReplyDeleteYes, you're right. Could never happen . . .
ReplyDelete